Directory of Driver License Renewal in Greenville, MS yellow pages. Find Greenville, MS Driver License Renewal with maps reviews, websites, phone numbers, addresses, and business profiles. Dermott Motor Vehicle Office. 102 S Arkansas St Dermott, AR 71638. In order to receive your Mississippi learner's permit or driver's license, you will need to meet certain requirements, such as passing a 30 multiple-choice question written knowledge test. The knowledge test is based on the latest information in the 2018 Mississippi Driver's Manual, and you must answer at least 24 questions.

Having a Mississippi driver’s license makes life so much easier, so it's a priority for most people to get it or to have it renewed. However, getting that done isn't always as simple or as easy as it seems. To help you get through this process, we've arranged a list of resources for you to consider. These resources should help you to pass the necessary exams and to understand what’s expected of you when you have your Mississippi driver’s license. Teen Permit Test The is a permit practice test modeled after the actual test. It’s an excellent preparation tool for anyone learning to drive for the first time, and it's not just for teens either. Renewing Driver’s License Test The is a practice test for those who need to renew their license, but need to retake the test for whatever reason.

Since you have a limited number of chances to pass the test, or you must wait a significant amount of time between each retake, it’s important to utilize preparation tools like this one. New to State Driver’s License Test The is a practice test for those who are applying for a Mississippi driver’s license and need to take the driver’s license test. Driving laws differ from state to state, so knowing those differences is important to getting the Mississippi driver's license. Also, new residents have to get an in-state license within 30 days of estabishing residency, so it's important to prepare right away.

State Driving Manual / Handbook The is a must-have for anyone needing to take any type of driving test or exam. Click the link to view the manual or to download it for free to help you prepare. Road Signs Practice Test The is a great supplementary practice test to help you learn the road signs. All driver's license tests include at least one road sign question, and some states even have an entirely separate test for road signs, so skipping this practice test isn’t an option. Mississippi Driver’s License Blog Posts We also have our that publishes posts about preparing for the test, safe driving, and current driving laws. Below are a few links we recommend reading so that you are not only prepared to take the driver’s license test, but also prepared to drive with your license in the state. Who has to take the written test?

Diccionario De Derecho Canonico En Pdf. Anyone who is getting their driver's license for the first time must pass the written test. Teens can take the test if they are at least 17 years old.

If they're under 18 years of age, they will also need parental consent. Do I have to Take the written test to Renewing my Drivers License? You do not have to retake the written test when you renew your license unless it has been expired for more than 1 year. If you're new to state are you required to take the written test? If you hold a valid driver's license from another state, or a license that has not been expired for more than 1 year, and are over 17 years of age, then you are generally not required to take either part (written or on-road) of the driver's examination.

Who has to take the on-road driving test? Anyone who is getting their driver's license for the first time must pass both the written and driving tests. Additionally, you will also be required to re-pass both tests if your driver's license has been expired for over 1 year and you want to renew it. How many questions are on the written test? There are 30 questions on the test.

How many questions must you get right? You must answer at least 24 questions correctly in order to pass. If you fail when can you retake the test? You can retake the test again in 1 day.

How many times can you retake the test? There is no limit on the number of times you can retake the written test. What are the Motorcycle Permit age limits? You must hold or be applying for a Mississippi driver's license before you can take the test. If you are under 18 years of age you must also have parental consent. How many questions are on the test? There are 25 questions on the test.

How many must you get correct to pass? You must answer at least 20 questions correctly in order to pass. Mississippi DPS Motorcyle Permit Resctictions You cannot drive on highways, drive during hours of darkness, or carry any passengers. Do you need to take an on-road motorcycle riding test? Yes, you are required to pass a practical on-road motorcycle skill test in order to get your motorcycle license.

Are there any other state specific age requirements or restrictions for motorcycles? What is Mississippi Helmet Law? All operators and passengers of a motorcycle are required to wear a protective helmet meeting state-approved safety standards at all times while operating or riding on the motorcycle, regardless of their age. Boaters in Mississippi are required to have a Boater Education Card and must complete a boating education course approved by the Mississippi Department of Marine Resources (DMR) in order to receive one.

Additionally, boaters also have the option of taking an online safety course offered by sites like Boat-Ed.com or BoatUS.org Who has to take the test? All boaters born after June 30, 1980 who are of legal age must have a Boater Education Card in order to operate a boat or other watercraft on Mississippi waterways.

How many questions are on the test? The online safety courses generally have 60 questions on the test. How many must you get correct to pass? You must answer at least 70% (42 questions) correctly on the online test in order to pass.

GREENSBORO, N.C. — Rufus Scales, 26 and black, was driving his younger brother Devin to his hair-cutting class in this genteel, leafy city when they heard the siren’s whoop and saw the blue light in the rearview mirror of their black pickup. Two police officers pulled them over for minor infractions that included expired plates and failing to hang a flag from a load of scrap metal in the pickup’s bed. But what happened next was nothing like a routine traffic stop. Uncertain whether to get out of the car, Rufus Scales said, he reached to restrain his brother from opening the door. A black officer stunned him with a Taser, he said, and a white officer yanked him from the driver’s seat.

Temporarily paralyzed by the shock, he said, he fell face down, and the officer dragged him across the asphalt. Rufus Scales emerged from the encounter with four traffic tickets; a charge of assaulting an officer, later dismissed; a chipped tooth; and a split upper lip that required five stitches. That was May 2013. Today, his brother Devin does not leave home without first pocketing a hand-held video camera and a business card with a toll-free number for legal help. Rufus Scales instinctively turns away if a police car approaches. Documenting racial profiling in police work is devilishly difficult, because a multitude of factors — including elevated violent crime rates in many black neighborhoods — makes it hard to tease out evidence of bias from other influences. But an analysis by The New York Times of tens of thousands of traffic stops and years of arrest data in this racially mixed city of 280,000 uncovered wide racial differences in measure after measure of police conduct.

Those same disparities were found across North Carolina, the state that collects the most detailed data on traffic stops. And at least some of them showed up in the six other states that collect comprehensive traffic-stop statistics. Here in North Carolina’s third-largest city, officers pulled over African-American drivers for traffic violations at a rate far out of proportion with their share of the local driving population. They used their discretion to search black drivers or their cars more than twice as often as white motorists — even though they found drugs and weapons significantly more often when the driver was white. Officers were more likely to stop black drivers for no discernible reason.

And they were more likely to use force if the driver was black, even when they did not encounter physical resistance. The routine nature of the stops belies their importance. As the public’s most common encounter with law enforcement, they largely shape perceptions of the police. Indeed, complaints about traffic-law enforcement are at the root of many accusations that some police departments engage in racial profiling.

Since Ferguson erupted in protests in August last year, three of the deaths of African-Americans that have roiled the nation occurred after drivers were pulled over for minor traffic infractions: a, a and. Violence is rare, but routine traffic stops more frequently lead to searches, arrests and the opening of a trapdoor into the criminal justice system that can have a lifelong impact, especially for. Greensboro's police chief, Wayne Scott, left, said, “The way we accomplish our job is through contact, and one of the more common tools we have is stopping cars.” Credit Travis Dove for The New York Times In Greensboro, which is 41 percent black, traffic stops help feed the stream of minor charges that draw a mostly African-American crowd of defendants to the county courthouse on weekday mornings. National surveys show that blacks and whites use marijuana at virtually the same rate, but black residents here are charged with the sole offense of possession of minor amounts of marijuana five times as often as white residents are.

Advertisement And more than four times as many blacks as whites are arrested on the sole charge of resisting, obstructing or delaying an officer, an offense so borderline that some North Carolina police chiefs discourage its use unless more serious crimes are also involved. Greensboro police officials said most if not all of the racial disparities in their traffic enforcement stemmed from the fact that more African-Americans live in neighborhoods with higher crime, where officers patrol more aggressively.

Pulling over drivers, they said, is a standard and effective form of proactive policing. “The way we accomplish our job is through contact, and one of the more common tools we have is stopping cars,” Greensboro’s police chief, Wayne Scott, who is white, said. Over the years, police officials in cities like New York and Chicago have used much the same argument to justify contentious pedestrian stop-and-frisk campaigns in high-crime areas. Criminals are less likely to frequent crime hot spots, the theory goes, if they know that the police there are especially vigilant. But increasingly, criminologists and even some police chiefs argue that such tactics needlessly alienate law-abiding citizens and undermine trust in the police.

Indeed, in Fayetteville, N.C., 100 miles southeast of Greensboro, a new police chief has discouraged officers from stopping motorists for minor infractions. Davis, a former California police chief who now runs the Justice Department’s Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, questions whether there are any benefits to intensive traffic enforcement in high-crime neighborhoods. “There is no evidence that just increasing stops reduces crime,” he said, pointing to a recent in St. Louis County, which includes Ferguson. The study showed — less convincingly than in Greensboro, because of less-specific data — that the police treated black motorists more harshly than white ones.

“For any chief who faces those racial disparities, they should be of great concern,” Mr. A National Uproar A national uproar over racial profiling erupted in the 1990s after New Jersey state troopers were found in hopes of catching drug couriers. Thousands of local law enforcement departments and more than a dozen state police agencies began collecting traffic-stop information as a result. In the seven states with the most sweeping reporting requirements — Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina and Rhode Island — the data show police officers are more likely to pull over black drivers than white ones, given their share of the local driving-age population. By itself, that proves little, because other factors besides race could be in play. Because African-Americans are, for example, generally poorer than whites, they may have more expired vehicle registrations or other automotive lapses that attract officers’ attention.

More telling, many researchers agree, is what happens after a vehicle is pulled over — especially whether officers use their legal discretion to search a car or its occupants and whether those searches uncover illegal contraband. An officer can conduct a “consent search” without any justification if the driver grants permission.

A search can also be made without consent if an officer has probable cause to suspect a crime. In the four states that track the results of consent searches, officers were more likely to conduct them when the driver was black, even though they consistently found drugs, guns or other contraband more often if the driver was white. The same pattern held true with probable-cause searches in Illinois and North Carolina, the two states that carefully record them.

Who Is Searched, and Who Has Contraband In four states that best track stops, blacks were more likely to be searched with their consent than whites, even though the police found contraband less often. 24, 2015 By The New York Times Searches are not common — officers in North Carolina, for example, conduct them in just one in 40 traffic stops. Fotoquote Pro 6 Serial Mac.

But they have an outsize impact on police-civilian relations. Surveys show that minorities, especially blacks, are much less likely than whites to say officers acted properly at a traffic stop. But far fewer drivers of all races rate the police positively if they are searched. In most of the states that monitor traffic stops most intensely, officials acknowledge that this close attention has not had a discernible effect. In Missouri, which has collected data for 15 years, Chris Koster, the state attorney general, has said the differences in how black and white motorists are treated are bigger than ever. Similar racial disparities are revealed in the data that the Nebraska Crime Commission has collected since 2001, but the commission lacks resources to delve into causes or solutions, said the agency’s information chief, Michael Overton.

Advertisement “Quite honestly, every year I have to pick up my jaw a little bit because the numbers are very, very consistent,” he said. But Rhode Island and Connecticut have each revised practices. After studies in 2003 and 2006 found racially disparate treatment at traffic stops, Rhode Island revamped its law enforcement training regimen. A 2014 study indicated that officers had become more judicious, conducting fewer consent and probable-cause searches of vehicles, but finding contraband more often. “It really seemed to have a good impact,” said Jack McDevitt, the lead researcher and director of the Institute on Race and Justice at Northeastern University. “It showed officers can be smarter about searching.” Beginning last year, Connecticut measured every law enforcement agency against seven benchmarks, including whether officers stopped minorities more often in the daytime, when a driver’s race is easier to detect. In three cities and two of 12 state police districts, state officials said, racial differences in the treatment of motorists were unmistakable.

The state is pushing police administrators to explain why. Analysts are also comparing traffic-stop data from officers who patrol similar beats, which some researchers consider the most reliable way to uncover bias, implicit or overt.

One change is already in place: Officers now must give every stopped motorist a card explaining how to file a complaint. “Racial profiling is a very real phenomenon, and in some places it is much worse than others,” Mike Lawlor, Connecticut’s under secretary for criminal justice policy and planning, said. Across the country, the latest outcries over police-minority relations have revived interest in monitoring: California just passed a law requiring officers to record both traffic and pedestrian stops.

In North Carolina, mounds of traffic-stop data lay dormant for a decade before academics like Frank R. Baumgartner, a University of North Carolina political science professor, began sifting through the statistics for evidence of bias in 2011. The Southern Coalition for Social Justice, a nonprofit advocacy group based in Durham, has used the patterns of racial disparities to bolster demands for restrictions on searches and other changes. Advertisement Chief Scott, who assumed his post seven months ago, said he was withholding judgment until his own staff analyzed his department’s data. “We are not afraid to ask these questions,” he said.

But so far, he added, “I don’t believe there is an underlying, systemic issue” of racial profiling. Analyzing the Stops Greensboro has long cherished its reputation as a Southern progressive standout. This was the first Southern city to pledge to integrate its schools after the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education, although it was among the last to actually do so. And when four black freshmen from North Carolina A&T State University occupied the orange and green stools at Woolworth’s whites-only lunch counter in 1960, Greensboro midwifed a sit-in movement that spread through the South.

North Carolina A&T State University students at the whites-only lunch counter at Woolworth’s in Greensboro in 1960. They were, from left, Joseph McNeil, Franklin McCain, Billy Smith and Clarence Henderson. Credit Jack Moebes/Greensboro News & Record, via Corbis But this is also where hundreds of National Guardsmen suppressed black student protesters in 1969 and where, a decade later, five protesters were murdered at an anti-Ku Klux Klan rally conspicuously devoid of police protection. And it was here, in 2009, that 39 minority police officers accused their own department of racial bias in a lawsuit that the city spent nearly $1.3 million fighting. In a city that is 48 percent white, 75 percent of Greensboro’s force of 684 sworn officers remains white. Nelson Johnson, a civil rights leader here since the 1960s, contends that like Greensboro as a whole, the Police Department “has a liberal veneer but a reactionary underbelly.” An activist group he heads recently established a citizens’ board to hear complaints about the police, arguing that official investigations too often are shams.

“This is not about one officer,” Mr. Johnson said at a recent meeting about police behavior at the Beloved Community Center. “This is about a culture, a deeply saturated culture that reflects itself in double standards.” The Times analyzed tens of thousands of traffic stops made by hundreds of officers since 2010.

Although blacks made up 39 percent of Greensboro’s driving-age population, they constituted 54 percent of the drivers pulled over. Advertisement While factors like out-of-town drivers can alter the racial composition of a city’s motorists, “if the difference is that big, it does give you pause,” Dr. McDevitt of Northeastern University said. Most black Greensboro drivers were stopped for regulatory or equipment violations, infractions that officers have the discretion to ignore. And black motorists who were stopped were let go with no police action — not even a warning — more often than were whites.

Criminal justice experts say that raises questions about why they were pulled over at all and can indicate racial profiling. In the past decade, officers reported using force during traffic stops only about once a month. The vast majority of the subjects were black, and most had put up resistance. Still, if a motorist was black, the odds were greater that officers would use force even in cases in which they did not first encounter resistance.

Police officials suggested that could be because more black motorists tried to flee. In an interview, Chief Scott said that overall, the statistics reflected sound crime-fighting strategies, not bias. They have produced record-low burglary rates, and most citizens welcome the effort, he said. Deborah Lamm Weisel, an assistant professor of criminal justice at North Carolina Central University in Durham, said the best policing practices “involve officers making proactive contacts with citizens, and traffic stops are the main way they do that.” But many criminal justice experts contend that the racial consequences of that strategy far outweigh its benefits — if, indeed, there are any. “This is what people have been complaining about across the nation,” said Delores Jones-Brown, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York.

“It means whites are ‘getting away’ with very low-level offenses, while people who are poor or people of color are suffering consequences.” “It amounts to harassment,” she said. “And police cannot demonstrate that it is creating better public safety.” To the contrary, she added, it makes minority citizens less likely to help the police prevent and solve crimes. Chief Harold Medlock, who is overhauling his department in Fayetteville, N.C., said he had told his officers to focus on violations that cost lives, like speeding and drunken driving. Credit James Robinson/The Fayetteville Observer The new chief, Harold Medlock, who was appointed in January 2013, is overhauling the department. Like Chief Scott of Greensboro, he deploys more officers in high-crime areas and faces constant demands from citizens to assign even more.

But, Chief Medlock said, “they are not asking for more traffic stops.” He said he had told his officers to focus on drivers who speed, drive drunk or ignore traffic lights and stop signs — the violations that cost lives. Because officers typically cannot see who commits a moving violation like speeding, he said, it also “tends to eliminate the disparity in who is being stopped.” Using dashboard videos, Chief Medlock said, the department also pushed out two officers who were accused of singling out black motorists. At his request, the Justice Department is conducting a review of his department’s practices. Traffic data show the impact of Fayetteville’s shift. In the three years before Chief Medlock arrived, slightly more than one-third of the black motorists who were stopped had committed a moving violation. The police today are still more likely to pull over blacks than whites. But so far this year, nearly two-thirds of them were stopped for a moving violation, nearly the same proportion as white motorists.

Closing a Gap Fayetteville, N.C., drastically cut consent searches and largely eliminated the racial gap in search rates. Greensboro’s searches have dropped as well, but blacks are still far more likely to be searched. 24, 2015 By The New York Times “Chief Medlock is godsent to Fayetteville,” said Mark Rowden, the pastor of Savannah Missionary Baptist Church. “There was a lot of distrust between African-Americans and the police.

That has turned around.” Not everyone is cheering. This month, Chief Medlock, who is white, found a racist flyer in his front yard that he regarded as a personal threat. On the back was an application for the Ku Klux Klan. Searches and ‘Hits’ In a certain percentage of traffic stops, the officer’s motivation is not to write a traffic ticket but to search for signs of crime. An officer, however, cannot stop a motorist without evidence of a traffic violation or probable cause to suspect a crime.

Advertisement When a Greensboro officer pulled over Keith Maryland and Jasmine McRae, who are black, in Mr. Maryland’s burgundy Nissan early one evening in March, even that vast authority was exceeded, claimed Mr. Maryland’s lawyer, Graham Holt. In an interview, Mr. Maryland said Officer Christopher Cline had told him that his registration had expired, although it was clearly valid for 15 more days.

The officer then said Ms. McRae, sitting in the back seat, “looked like someone” and asked to search her purse. Officers do not have to tell drivers or their passengers that they have the right to refuse, and like the vast majority of people, Ms. McRae agreed. The officer found a small amount of marijuana and several grams of cocaine and arrested her. Holt said the stop was illegal because there was no traffic infraction.

And in fact, a police corporal summoned Mr. Maryland to the station the next day and scrawled VOID across the ticket for an expired registration. But the department and a city review board still found that the officer had acted lawfully.

McRae ended up pleading guilty to a misdemeanor charge of marijuana possession. She was sentenced to probation, incurring hundreds of dollars in fees. Police officials would call Ms. McRae’s search a successful “hit.” But most consent searches in Greensboro are not, especially when a stopped vehicle’s driver is black. Since 2010, officers searched blacks more than twice as often but found contraband only 21 percent of the time, compared with 27 percent of the time with whites. The same gap prevailed when officers cited probable cause to search without permission.

Officers searched blacks at more than twice the rate of whites, but found contraband only 52 percent of the time, compared with 62 percent of the time when the driver was white. If those statistics are true, Chief Scott said, “we need to figure out how we can better serve our community in a fairer way.” Fayetteville officials believe that they have an answer. Faced with similar data, the City Council required officers in 2012 to obtain written permission for consent searches — a requirement endorsed this year by a White House task force on policing. Since then, the number of consent searches has plummeted to about one a week.

Probable-cause searches dropped by more than half. Advertisement There is a downside, Chief Medlock acknowledged. Fewer weapons are being confiscated. But because consent searches seldom turned up much contraband anyway, he said, the losses are minimal.

A Catchall Charge Carlyle Phillips said he had no trouble with the police when he was growing up in New Jersey. And he has had none in Maryland, where he now lives. But as a student at North Carolina A&T in Greensboro, he said, he had one run-in after another. And he said he saw how routine traffic stops can become a springboard into a criminal justice system that can be hard to escape.

As a college junior in January 2010, Mr. Phillips said, he was pulled over in a predominantly white section of Greensboro for failing to wear his seatbelt — even though, he insisted, he was buckled in. He said he neither used drugs nor had had any with him.

But that day, he said, he watched as the officer searching his car planted a plastic bag in it, then claimed it was evidence of drug use. Phillips was charged with possession of less than half an ounce of marijuana, joining a long list of Greensboro blacks charged only with that offense since 2009. Five times as many blacks as whites were arrested on that charge, despite evidence whites use marijuana about as often. Phillips hired a lawyer, and a judge dismissed the charge.

But nine months later, another traffic stop bore more serious consequences. Phillips and another black student, Gian Spells, drove through downtown one night, they said, a police officer pulled alongside, looked at them, then dropped behind and flashed his lights.

“You cut me off,” Mr. Spells said Sgt. Thomas Long had told him, according to a complaint the students later filed alleging racial profiling. “Clearly, you’ve had too much to drink.” Mr. Spells said he had not had any alcohol and asked for a test. Instead, the officer ordered him out of the car — a command within his authority. Spells refused, the officer threatened him with pepper spray.

Worried he might be framed again, Mr. Phillips said, he raised his hands in the air and told a second officer that he wanted to remain in his seat, only to be threatened with a Taser. Advertisement The students spent the night in jail, apparently because the officers said they were intoxicated.

But they were never charged with drunkenness or reckless driving. They were charged only with resisting, obstructing or delaying an officer, or R.D.O., in police parlance. Since 2009, the Greensboro police have filed that charge — and no other — against 836 blacks but only 209 whites. A judge eventually dismissed their cases.

But in the meantime, Mr. Phillips said, a job offer was thrown into limbo when a background check turned up the pending criminal charge. “That was probably one of the hardest things I had to face,” said Mr.

Phillips, now 27, who was eventually hired. “Maybe missing out on a great opportunity because some police officer takes offense at something.” The students’ complaint of racial profiling was rejected. To this day, Mr.

Phillips said, he does not understand why he and his friend were arrested. But Lewis Pitts, a well-known retired civil rights lawyer in Greensboro, sees no mystery. If a black motorist “does anything but be completely submissive and cower, then you get the classic countercharge by the officer that there was resistance, or disorderly conduct or public intoxication,” Mr.

“Then they end up in jail.” In Fayetteville, Chief Medlock said he had instructed his officers to avoid resisting-an-officer charges unless some more serious offense also occurred. “I tell my folks, if that’s all you have, don’t charge somebody. Find a way to move them on down the road,” he said. Through a police spokeswoman, the Greensboro officers named in this article, all of whom are white, declined to comment. And partly because North Carolina law treats complaints against police officers as confidential personnel matters, accounts like Mr.

Phillips’s remain one-sided. Two years ago, Greensboro equipped all of its officers with body cameras and required them to film any searches. But those videotapes are confidential, too. Chief Scott said he believed that if the state allowed the police to share them, at least with the citizens involved in the encounters, it would help dispel suspicions of racial profiling. “I am in favor of more transparency,” he said. “Numbers don’t say it all.”.

Advertisement His department is striving hard to improve police practices, he said. It is trying harder to recruit minority officers, discouraging the use of Tasers, bolstering training in unbiased policing practices, he said, and making sure every credible complaint is investigated. By that last measure, police officials point out, most citizens seem satisfied. Greensboro averages about 300,000 calls for police assistance every year. Only 64 people filed complaints in 2014. The department’s own investigators deemed about two-thirds of the allegations without merit. Most complaints were about rudeness; only five concerned bias.

‘I Get a Cold Chill’ Marie Robinson, 60, and James Fields, 52, are skeptical of that picture. Their run-in with two Greensboro officers ended with them offering an apology. But in fact, they said, they were owed one. Early one afternoon in April 2013, they were sitting in Miss Robinson’s black Honda Accord in front of Mr. Fields’s house because Miss Robinson, who has diabetes, had a plunge in her blood sugar level, a recurrent problem that often causes her to lose consciousness.

Fields said he had just brought her some apple juice from his kitchen when Officer Jesse Hillis approached and demanded to know what they were doing. Fields said that he had explained, but that the officer had countered: “I think you are a drug dealer and she is a prostitute.” Then he ordered him out of the car and pushed him against it, he said.